Ben Rhodes

Abstract

 

This dissertation investigates the palpable division with Star Wars fandom. Segregated by generations, fans have affiliated themselves to either the ‘Original Trilogy’ or the ‘Prequel Trilogy’. In most cases, the partition is dependent on the age of the fan, with older fans (18+) affiliating themselves with the Original Trilogy and younger fans finding more appreciation for the Prequel Trilogy. The study examines the history of Star Wars fandom and how the fan-base developed, as well as the palpable moment in Star Wars history that divided the fandom so emphatically. This paper gives evidence that the divide is not as ‘black and white’ as many fans argue, with suggestions that nostalgia has blinded fans as spectators. Furthermore, scientific backing fortifies the argument that the general conception of the Prequel Trilogy, being that it is aimed at children and over reliant of visual effects, is over-simplified. Concluding that young fans go through an anthropological development that entices them to attain autonomy from their ancestors.

 

Following this, the study follows an exploration of misconceptions that academic elitists hold, for participatory culture. This paper presents theories and arguments of respected academics that defend fan producers within participatory culture, highlighting the creative skill base that fans have access to, learn and express. This study stresses also, that fans participating within this creative culture not only attain skills in production but also skills in social collaboration and intelligence collection.

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Introduction

 

Within film academia, it can be argued that Star Wars has been critically opposed by elitist film academics (Brooker, 2009). This could be due to its fictitious background without any obvious relationship to modernity, or indeed post-modernity, as viewers will experience when watching other fiction films such as Blade Runner (Scott, 1982). It could also be due to the unpredicted impact that the franchise has had on the industry and viewers and the coinciding desire for more special effects amongst audiences generally following the original trilogy. Star Wars was regarded as being innovative in this area with A New Hope (1977, Lucas) and film scholars, such as Will Brooker, have suggested that Star Wars deserves a place within film academia. He even states that “Cinema scholarship seems embarrassed by Star Wars – embarrassed that a movie series so popular, successful and influential is also, apparently, so childishly simple” (Brooker, 2009: 8). This academic text presents a form of dissent against the scholars who dismiss Star Wars and defends the stance of those academics that wish to pursue scholarship within the Star Wars universe. It is not just academia that has been viewed critically, but also the fandom and adherents of Star Wars, which actively contributes and produces fan made material within its own community. Even the stars of their favoured film franchises have belittled the skilled creatives behind the generation of this material. This can be seen in the Star Trek community, when William Shatner (who played James T. Kirk) told ‘Trekkies’ to ‘get a life’, in an episode of Saturday Night Live (Miller, 1986). Shatner went on to make a documentary about obsessive Star Trek fans (Shatner, 2012), wherein he reflects upon the phenomenon of fandom in a negative tone.

 

Within this dissertation, an exploration has been conducted into current and archived research and theories from film and media scholars, as well as theorists within cultural studies, anthropology and sociology. Chapter One aims to present evidence as to what has caused contention within Star Wars fandom, following the release of the prequel trilogy of films. Whilst the general contextualization of the divide is put down to change of tone and aesthetics in terms of filmmaking, this paper meta-analyses text from previous works on Star Wars fandom, as well as presenting new evidence with scientific fortification. This new evidence provides a thorough analysis of the segregation and highlights the changing moments in Star Wars history.

 

The critical view of Star Wars academia is also shared with fan-producers and activists within participatory culture. They are labelled stereotypically by leading theorists and scholars, which this paper proves to be inaccurate and as presenting misconceptions of fan-producers. This dissertation collects evidence from cultural and media studies as well as biographical accounts, to disprove the misconceptions described and also asserts that fan-producers hold a large skill base of creativity, technological prowess and social skills. The latter of these skills is the most commonly condemned element within participatory culture, which this paper’s research proves to be largely inaccurate within Chapter Two.

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Methodology

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The method this research paper has undertaken to collect and collate data and evidence has been predominantly through a meta-analysis of primary texts and accounts. These have been in the form of interviews between theorists Henry Jenkins and Matt Hills, as well interviews, e-mails and forum posts by Star Wars fans and film scholars. Whilst a survey was originally intended for collecting primary research, it was decided that in order to gain an objective tone in this paper, it would be logical to present evidence that has been chosen and analysed by accredited theorists; this has then been meta-analysed by this paper’s scholar in order to achieve a wider breadth of data. Primary research has also been collected first-hand by this researcher in the form of an e-mail interview with a Star Wars expert, academic fan and journalistic writer, Abel G. Peña. The results from the interview present a similar tone of argument, supporting that of this researcher and aiding an objective yet passionate insight and analytical view on the context this paper presents to readers. This dissertation contains evidence and theories from scholars and theorists from a large number of books as well as journals and articles. Many of the book based texts within this dissertation’s bibliography were uncovered following a research trail that began at a bibliography of Will Brooker’s books, which led to the bibliographies of other texts. This gave a broad range of material both new and old to meta-analyse.

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Literature Review

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Previous scholarly works on fandom vary across multiple film and TV series and different authors, allowing more universally based theories applying to fandom to be analysed when dissecting the Star Wars community. The array of theoretical material on Star Wars is somewhat obscured, compared to the works based on other franchises, and researchers must delve into a trail in order to find a similar quantity of sources to that of ‘scholar-friendly’ works. This corresponds to Brooker’s belief that academics are embarrassed by Star Wars scholarship, which is therefore often overlooked (Brooker, 2002).

 

Will Brooker and Henry Jenkins are two of the few scholars that have been successful, with reference to their Star Wars based authorships being known publically amongst academic elites. They have acted as the starting point of a research trail that was undertaken in finding other forms of literature, which have been used in this paper. Brooker delivers, over two books, an overview of Star Wars and its community, from its conception in the 1970’s and its development over time, to the point where it has become a superpower in the contemporary, mainstream film industry. Brooker delves into deep research in the form of surveys, e-mail interviews and meta-analysing forum posts. His studies at Kingston University as head researcher have led to an expertise on fan communities and creators of fan-made material. He investigates the challenges that it presented to the studios and in turn the challenges for fan-fiction producers, following a defensive copyright implementation by Lucasfilm. He states that fandom adherents writing fan-fiction is similar to that of children playing with Star Wars toys (Brooker, 2002: 142), proceeding to defend the creation of fan-fiction due to the cornucopia of opportunities that the Star Wars universe allows fans to ‘play with’. Brooker then argues that the reason for Lucas Film Ltd.’s rise in licensed EU novels was a premeditated decision to attempt to stop fan fiction and more specifically ‘Slash’. ‘Slash’ is a form of fan-made novels, which featured sexual, homosexual and interspecies relationships between principal characters of Star Wars (Brooker, 2002: 129). He examines how there is a palpable difference between the two current generations of fans and what differentiates and divides them, following the release of the prequel trilogy. Brooker finds that the older generation of fans tends “to treasure the original trilogy as a nostalgic relic of childhood and view the prequels with wariness or disappointment” (Brooker, 2002: 221). He continues, claiming that there is a form of possessiveness in the relationship between fans and the films (Brooker, 2002). This author also theorizes on the topic of fan apprenticeship and states that fandom adherence can be passed down through generations, like cultural heirlooms (Brooker, 2002). Brooker states that there is an almost unanimous feeling of betrayal amongst the older generation of Star Wars fandom, due to the opinion that The Phantom Menace (1999) was aimed at younger audiences. Whilst being understanding, he counters this view and states that fans "had grown older and expected the impossible—a film that thrilled them in the same way A New Hope (1977) did when they were seven years old” (Brooker, 2002: 83). In an interview with actor Simon Pegg, Pegg shares his belief that the downfall of the prequel trilogy is its underdevelopment of emotion and relationships between characters and an over reliance on CGI and special effects (Brooker, 2002).

 

Henry Jenkins is academic elite, and a leading theorist on participatory culture, whose understanding comes from mass collaboration with other fan culture theorists, such as Matt Hills. He positions himself in a tangible defence of fan communities who actively look to expand and participate in their favoured film and TV series communes. He addresses the broad skill base that can be found in fan-producers (active fans who create new material for other adherents) and brings attention to the positive impact they have on their community and indeed their film franchise, despite the negative view that studios have of them. He states, “Fans construct their cultural and social identity through borrowing and inflecting mass culture images, articulating concerns which often go unvoiced within the dominant media” (Jenkins, 1992: 23). He commends pro-active fans of films and TV series for their creative initiative, when they take the works of authorized publishers and create ‘alternate universe’ works; alternate universe publications being different stories that contradict those of the film’s canon narrative. These stories take characters from their favoured franchises and reinvent them e.g. Anakin Skywalker never becomes a Sith and remains a Jedi throughout his life. Jenkins argues that this act is a form of protection and states “fans are reluctant poachers who steal only those things that they truly love [and] to protect it against abuse from those who created it” (Jenkins, 2006: 59). In Textual Poachers (1992: 23) he also states that fan-fiction is not always “fascination or adoration but also frustration and antagonism”. This work by Jenkins agrees with Brooker’s text on the production of fan made material online today.

 

Mika Elovaara’s Star Wars: Fan Phenomena (2013), is a publication that was released following the Disney buyout of Star Wars and Lucasfilm, including material on the takeover. This publication is the most up to date, Star Wars specific, academic text at the time of this research trail. Elovaara explores the breakdown of the relationship between fans and Lucasfilm, following the release of The Phantom Menace (Lucas, 1999) (hereafter, TPM). He argues that the breakdown of their relationship is due to the engagement of fans with the original trilogy and emotional investment that generated an expectation of similar quality (Elovaara, 2013). When the prequel trilogy was released, it became evident that the existing fandom was not the target audience, but instead children (Elovaara, 2013). These theories from Elovaara are similar to those of Will Brooker and can be used in tandem when developing arguments and new theories. This change of audience can be argued to have been an attempt to blossom a new generation of Star Wars fans. Elovaara backs this argument when he states, “these films were intended to appeal to the young fans of the trilogy […] children who might become the latest generations of young Star Wars fans” (2013: 80). This allowed Lucasfilm to mass-produce toys, books and clothing that would appeal to their new generation of fans and take in a substantial profit through memorabilia. The prequel Star Wars trilogy was, arguably, always going to succeed in the box office, due to the success of the original trilogy that would precede its reputation. Whilst young fans enjoyed the prequel trilogy, the films caused a backlash from those in the fandom who felt that the studios had dismissed the integrity of Star Wars and the foundations on which it was originally built. In extreme cases, fans laid the blame at the feet of a single character, Jar-Jar Binks, who they professed to be the epitome of what was iniquitous with the Star Wars prequel trilogy (Elovaara, 2013). Following this deemed act of betrayal, fans began to revolt by writing their own versions of Star Wars, in the form of ‘Alternate Universe’ authorships. There had been an ‘expanded universe’ of fan-made material since the production of A New Hope (Lucas, 1977) (hereafter, ANH), but there was then a stimulus for an ‘alternate universe’ (hereafter, AU) of novels (Elovaara, 2013). With the freedom of publications on the Internet and information on copyright laws, fan authors were able to find and share loopholes with their community, so they could write freely within the laws, whilst still achieving their aims as authors (Elovaara, 2013). After some time, it became evident that George Lucas’ ultimate creative control was diminishing and was ending up in the hands of fans, to be moulded to their own desires. Fans would continue to reinvent Star Wars and associated characterisations. Eventually fan authors began writing erotic novels, called Slash, starring Star Wars characters and sometimes homosexual and inter-species endeavours. This was a step too far for Lucasfilm as they deemed it to corrupt the image of Star Wars, which was originally released with PG ratings. They stopped archiving fan made material and reinforced their loosely policed forums for any fan made materials that might tarnish the name of Star Wars and the philosophies that it promotes (Elovaara, 2013). Elovaara states that;

 

“The fans’ sense of ownership of Star Wars derives from their repeat viewing and imaginative engagement with memorable scenes, dialogue and characters, as well as other materials such as trailers, interviews, books, comics, and other forms of cross-media storytelling” (Elovaara, 2013: 15).

 

Jonathon Gray is a leading theorist and expert in the field of fandom within TV and Film franchise, expanding his theories to ‘Anti-Fans’ and across international film franchises. His theories can arguably be defined to be more subjective due to him not expressing any chosen fandom that is personal to him. The key theory of Jonathon Gray that will be applied to this paper is that of ‘Anti-Fans’, members of fandom that express their disdain for a certain TV or Film franchise. This theory will be used to critically analyse the difference in Star Wars fans that are segmented by different generations. There is a clear development of the Original Trilogy (hereafter, OT) fans that were once ‘on-side’ fans, who became ‘Anti-Fans’ following the release of the Prequel Trilogy. This occurred due to the argued failure of meeting expectations, prior to its release. Jonathon Gray’s theory will help to create a new concept, fans turning into ‘Anti-Fans’ as an act of rebellion against the decisions made by studios in the production of their films. Gray will also add evidence that includes copyright laws within fan-fiction, supporting Brooker, Jenkins and Elovaara, which their theories concern. Gray argues that ‘Anti-Fans’ are a form of fan-producers who also participate in ‘narrative activism’; he refers to a story to back this argument when “Doctor Who fans launched similar campaigns to ‘save the programme’ from its producer” (Tulloch, 1995: 160 cited in Gray, 2007: 292). Gray also reinforces Brooker and Jenkins’ theories on copyright laws within fan-fiction production. He states that “fans tend to see their legal status [concerning fan-fiction] as similar to their social status: marginal and, at best, tolerated rather than accepted” (Gray, 2007: 60). Whilst he accepts that fan-practice is tolerated by authorised writers, he brings light to some copyright owners who have taken an “aggressive stance against fan creativity, sending cease-and-desist letters threatening lawsuits to fan websites” (Gray, 2007: 60). He goes on to argue that the fandom is moving in the right direction, beginning to be valued by franchises and are seen to be having a positive effect on keeping fans engaged in their franchise, until the next licensed instalment of works (Gray, 2007). He paraphrases from Legal Fictions (Tushnet, 1997: 669) to explain the nature of fan-practice and envisages a potential relationship between fans and writers, “Fans acknowledge copyright owners’ legitimate economic interests, but [also help] revenues from authorized works, by increasing loyalty and interest” (Gray, 2007: 64).

 

Matt Hills, a leading researcher and author in fandom, shares an in-depth knowledge of his studies of fan behaviour and culture. He firstly defines the difference between fan-producers and fan-consumers, labelling them as ‘good’ and ‘bad’, respectively. He states

 

“We are presented with a view of fans as (specialist) consumers, whose fandom is expressed through keeping up with the new release of books, comics and videos. On the other hand, we are told that fans whose practice are ‘clearly linked with’ dominant capitalist society are likely to be censured within the fan culture concerned” (Hills, 2002: 29).

 

He shows that despite fan-practice being undertaken for fan-consumers, they somewhat reject it because of its lack of authenticity. He states: “consumers lack the developed forms of expertise and knowledge that fans, enthusiasts and cultists all possess. […] Consumers are at the bottom of the pile.” (Longhurst, 1998: 140 cited in Hills, 2002: 29). Matt Hills asserts that when it comes to adherents within fandom,

 

“The fan’s emotional investment also results in an attention to detail and programme continuity which is often at odds with the producers’ need to tell new stories over the duration of a TV series. Fans expect adherence to established tenets, characterisations, and narrative ‘back-stories’, which production teams thus revise at their peril, disrupting the trust” (Hills, 2002: 28).

 

This quote from Hills can be used as evidence explaining the disharmony that developed following the release of the PT (prequel trilogy) of Star Wars.

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Chapter One

Generation Jedi

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Star Wars arguably has the biggest fandom in film history, with only Star Trek fandom opposing the statement. Biggest have a fan-base that reaches every continent there is a clear division within it. In order to fully understand and analyse Star Wars fandom as a whole, it is imperative that the division within it is articulated and analysed. Therefore, in this chapter, there is an analysis of the different generations of Star Wars fans, which corresponds to the Star Wars saga relevant to their age group i.e. the original trilogy for those aged 26+ and the prequel trilogy for anyone younger. Whilst this labeling of trilogies to age groups is stereotypical, it has been divided in this way according to the films that these age groups have grown up with and thus are most familiar with. The key theorists that will provide evidence for this study are Will Brooker, Mika Elovaara and Jonathan Gray, along with some supporting authors and journalists to both argue and fortify their theories.

 

When the original trilogy was released from 1977 to 1983, even George Lucas did not predict the fandom that would occur so quickly. He was sitting in a café with his wife when he saw the queue across the road that led down three blocks to the cinema for the premiere of Star Wars: A New Hope (1977) (Jenkins, 1997). The fandom for Star Wars had begun to develop long before the first film was premiered. With fanzines being prominent amongst fandoms before the rise of the World Wide Web in homes, Star Wars had been known of for some time, with Sci-Fi fans already having expectations of the impending blockbuster (Jenkins, 1997).

 

In Star Wars documentary Generation Jedi (Connolly, 2005), Dermot O’Leary, along with other guests, discuss how important Star Wars had been in the 1970s. During this time, the Labour government had begun to fall out with the European Union, as well as the ‘irresistible rise of Margaret Thatcher’. For some, watching Star Wars and participating within its fandom was a way of escaping the reality of Britain political and social situation, such as the rubbish collection strike (Connolly, 2005). O’Leary continues, stating that George Lucas and Steven Spielberg had noted the negative influence that Hollywood was having on young people, such as materialism and corruption, which provoked the creation of Star Wars, as it held true family values and moral lessons to be learnt (Connolly, 2005). This ethical approach would continue to influence spectators, as Lucas planned to create further installments of Star Wars, to follow young fans in their development through childhood (Connolly, 2005). Will Brooker also appears in the documentary, he states that with the toys, costumes and other memorabilia that was available in the 70s, children could ‘live Star Wars’. He explained further that;

 

“Children could wake up in the morning wearing their ‘C3-PO’ pyjamas before brushing their teeth with their ‘R2-D2’ toothpaste and then playing with the toys all day, dress up as Han Solo before going to bed with an ‘R2-D2’ night light,” so children were living Star Wars outside of the cinema through the products (Brooker in Connolly, 2005).

 

Generation Jedi (Connolly, 2005) followed the development of Star Wars fandom after the release of Empire Strikes Back (1980, Kershner), as Dermot O’Leary compares the storyline of the film to real-life Britain. A new leader came to power in Margaret Thatcher, arguably a dictator, who made controversial changes to Britain, which angered a large portion of the British populace. Ironically, President Regan of the United States even named a missile system under the name of ‘Star Wars’. This naming however, could be seen as an attempt by American politicians to brand strategic weapons with a name that relates to popular culture, in order to manipulate american citizen’s perception of the missile system. Andrew Collins, a broadcaster and writer who appeared in the documentary, stated that “Margaret Thatcher is Darth Vader” (Andrew Collins in Connolly, 2005), which he argued to be a generalized opinion of British Star Wars fans from the 70s and 80s. The parallels between Star Wars and British culture continued with Return of the Jedi (hereafter ROTJ) (Marquand, 1983). Will Brooker argues in Generation Jedi that the mythos in ROTJ (Marquand, 1983) teaches young people about the lessons they must learn in growing up, accepting and confronting their lineage and moving away and into unknown territory, such as university or new homes. O’Leary explains that, as a youngster, he felt he had two families, the first was his blood kin in his mother, father, sister etc. and the second, then his Star Wars family his ‘Generation Jedi’ family, with George Lucas taking on the role of ‘father’ (Connolly, 2005). Actress, Jessica Stevenson discusses the rise in statistics of divorce and separations, which allowed for more comparisons to be made between real-life and Star Wars, as young people with separated parents likened themselves to Luke Skywalker and his relationship with his father and the death of his mother (Connolly, 2005). Jean Michel-Sourd, a university lecturer, states that there is definitely a Freudian theory implementation within the relationship between Luke Skywalker and Vader, which young people related to as they reached a certain age (2006: 4). He continues, arguing that as young boys reach adolescence there is sign of the oedipal complex, as they rebel against their father, question his authority and crave their mother’s attention (2006: 4).

 

Following Star Wars’ announcement that there would be no more Star Wars, there was a sense of betrayal and a feeling of being left behind within Star Wars fandom (Connolly, 2005). After ROTJ (1983) there was soon an increase in the domestic use of computers and the Internet, which was then used by Star Wars fans to fill the hole that George Lucas left them following the announcement of no more films (Connolly, 2005).  They achieved this by creating artwork, writing novels and having debates and discussions on online forums. This was the beginning of the media convergence of participatory culture within Star Wars fandom (Jenkins, 2006). The relevance of Star Wars and the effect it had on young people is further analysed in Generation Jedi (Connolly, 2005). Dermot O’Leary points out that by the 90s, his generation of fans, who grew up in the 70s and 80s, had been nurtured on the ethos that Star Wars instilled. When it came to the general elections, fans saw Tony Blair as a Luke Skywalker figure, who was both a prodigy and a victim of Margaret Thatcher, earlier likened to Darth Vader (Connolly, 2005). Ironically, even one of the Labour party’s mottos was inspired by Star Wars, as it read ‘New Labour, New Hope’, referring to the first Star Wars film A New Hope (1977). Like President Regan’s missile system, this too could have been an attempt to create a positive brand link with the use of popular culture. Brooker continues his analysis of Generation Jedi, by comparing the festivities of the Labour Party after their election win to the celebrations of the Rebel Alliance at the end of ANH (1977). O’Leary explains that the 90s was also a time of nostalgia, as Star Wars began to appear in pop-culture. For example The Simpsons made a Star Wars themed episode, where the principal characters played the Star Wars roles, e.g. Bart Simpson portrayed Luke Skywalker, Homer Simpson played Darth Vader. Those born in the 70s and 80s were sold on the Star Wars nostalgia and George Lucas took the opportunity to announce that there would be another Star Wars trilogy, the prequel trilogy, which would begin with The Phantom Menace (Lucas, 1999).

 

The Phantom Menace (Lucas, 1999) is an “utter piece of crap” (Cornish, 2010), “What was he (Lucas) thinking? (Justin Lee-Collins in Generation Jedi, Connolly, 2005). This statement has been a strong opinion of the majority of Star Wars fandom, more specifically those born pre-90s. It is also the reason there is such a palpable difference between the fandom that had developed since the 70s, following the release of ANH (Lucas, 1977), Simon Pegg, TV and Film actor, is a prime example of a fandom adherent who despises The Phantom Menace (1999) and the subsequent films in the prequel trilogy of Star Wars. In an e-mail interview with Will Brooker, Pegg speaks about his childhood growing up as a ‘Star Wars kid’ and the disappointment that followed after experiencing TPM (1999). On the subject of his childhood, Pegg states, “Star Wars was extremely important in my development as a child. It stimulated my imagination, increased my vocabulary, and informed my notion of morality” (cited in Brooker, 2002: 82). This profound effect on veteran fans within Star Wars fandom was, in part, due to the morality in the lessons taught, and subsequently lacking in the prequel trilogies. It can be argued that the original trilogy taught fans how be strong, honest and good, whilst the prequel trilogy might be seen to teach fans how many special effects can be pushed into one film. In Generation Jedi, Brooker argues that another downfall of the PT was the coldness of ‘Qui-Gon Jin’ and ‘Obi-Wan Kenobi’, two key characters of TPM (1999), as well as the absence of a character similar to Han Solo, who was popular in the OT (Connolly, 2005). Eloovara provides evidence to support Pegg and Brooker’s claims that the prequel trilogy failed to live up to expectations, as he states that the “films failed to perform at the same level [as the original trilogy] […] The loyal OT fans frowned on the […] reliance on CGI effects and digitally created shots [and had] a distaste for […] characters such as Jar-Jar Binks” (2013: 80). He goes on to solidify this statement with facts and figures following the box office results on the back of the prequel trilogy. He informs readers that Episodes II and III of the prequel trilogy earned a joint average of 75% of the box office total that TPM (1999) had earned (2013: 80). This shows a rapid decline of favour towards the prequel trilogy, following audience experiences whilst watching TPM (1999). Andrew Collins, in Generation Jedi, argues that Ewan McGregor was too famous, as was Samuel L. Jackson, stating that Star Wars needed raw, unknown actors like Mark Hamill and Harrison Ford when they were cast in ANH (1977). It could be argued that the main similarities between both trilogies are the revolutionary visual effects, which amazed spectators and instantly developed an affinity with the film. The only difference now is hindsight, in that fans of the original trilogy no longer see the special effects as revolutionary but simple and understated, compared to the CGI seen in the prequel trilogy.

 

George Lucas and Lucasfilm continued their exploitation of younger audiences and commissioned a cartoon TV series to be released by Cartoon Network, called ‘Star Wars: The Clone Wars’ (Kaminski, 2007). This release went on to generate an audience of children that was large enough to warrant sanctioning a feature film, to be made entirely with CGI technology (Elovaara, 2013: 80). This continuing utilization of their new, younger generation of Star Wars fandom angered the elders that were born pre-90s, as they felt bereft of material, which their impulsive nostalgia longed for (Brooker, 2009: 79-83). This longing for material coincided with the rise in fan-fiction, participatory culture and fan-producers within Star Wars fandom, as this paper will explore in Chapter Two.

 

The younger generations of Star Wars fans, who grew up with the prequel trilogy, can arguably be seen to be too young to have understood and appreciated the fundamentals of the original trilogies. Simon Pegg, in Will Brooker’s ‘Using the Force’, states that young fans were the target of the ‘firework effect’, where the CGI and use of visual effects were overawing and blinded the young viewers to the basics of the filmmaking, which the prequel trilogy arguably failed in comprehending. The foundations of the OT covered the concept of character development, relationships and narrative arcs, which were prominent in the original trilogy, as it followed Joseph Campbell’s concept, ‘The Hero’s Journey’ (Campbell, 2012). It is arguably, only when the young Star Wars fans have grown and their ‘taste’ has developed, that they can appreciate the original trilogy and finally see the negative ideals that were implemented in the prequels and the foundations of Star Wars that were ignored in the same process. There is a generation of Star Wars fans that were born in the 21st Century, continuing their development in terms of their ‘taste’, but still blinded by the special effects and even the cartoon spin-off in the shape of Star Wars: The Clone Wars. However, this may not be the case and instead, could turn in the opposite direction. Jenkins states “popular culture has become one of the central battlegrounds through which teens stake out a claim on their autonomy from their parents” (2006: 196). Analysing Jenkins’ theory, it could be that the youngest generation of Star Wars may actively refuse to change their taste and be peer pressured into changing their affinity towards the OT. They may dissent and find a greater appreciation for the PT, just to rebel and define themselves with ‘their’ Star Wars.

 

Brooker states that the generational age difference between fans of both trilogies is the underlying cause between the segregation of fandom, arguing that it is just that fans of the OT are disenchanted with the PT, after emotionally investing in a franchise and mythos for, in most cases, 23 years (Brooker, 2002: 85). He goes on to state that there is a feeling of betrayal from OT fans when were told, after two decades of appreciation, that even the creator believes that Star Wars is for kids, not adults (Brooker, 2002: 85). Simon Pegg even accuses George Lucas of abuse of Star Wars and believes that Lucas “doesn’t give a shit” (Brooker, 2002: 84). The conviction in this feeling of betrayal creates an emotional disturbance in the fandom of Star Wars and alienates the studios from the fans, potentially beyond repair. This alienation of fans from their beloved franchise is what can turn fans into ‘anti-fans’.

 

Henry Jenkins, in Textual Poachers (1992: 130), states that within every fandom there are disputes and controversy, putting the disagreements down to shared appreciation with differences in opinions, as opposed to rivalry. Such debates are meta-textual discussions in fandom forums, where fans look to analyse their TV shows or film in greater detail, as opposed to the general audience who look at the composition of a sequence of events with visuals/audio stimulus (Gray, 2007). Jonathon Gray illustrates the depiction of ‘Anti-Fans’ in Buffy (a cult television show) fandom, as they analyse season six. On a meta-textual level, they critically dissect the narrative arc over the episodes that compose the season (2007: 289). He goes on to state that the most common arguments that ensue within fandom discussions are the studios failure to create a consistent ontological narrative that does not disrupt the harmony of fandom and their expectations (2007: 289). This ontological disturbance can arguably be defined as being the reason for the severance in Star Wars fandom due to the time that had elapsed between trilogies and the extreme change in both style and target audience. Joss Whedon, the creator of Buffy, has been an exception when referring to franchise creators that have disillusioned fans by upsetting the hyper-diegetic universe of their franchise. Whedon maintained harmony even when he created spin-off series of Angel. It was only when executive producer Marti Noxon took control of Buffy from Whedon, who began new series Firefly, that there was an ontological disturbance following changes, which fans felt had turned Buffy into a soap opera (Gray, 2007: 292). Noxon went on to become a target of ‘fan-attacks’ as he received “so much hate mail, you wouldn’t believe” (Noxon cited in Gray, 2007: 293). The backlash from fans following the prequel trilogy could be cited as the reason for George Lucas’ sale of Star Wars and Lucasfilm With Disney’s intention to release a new trilogy of Star Wars from 2015 onwards, it allows Disney to potentially become Star Wars’ Marti Noxon, should the impending sequel trilogy fail. This will not, however, prevent Star Wars fans from participating and watching the next trilogy of Star Wars films, as Jonathan Gray argues that “fans may hate the current status quo, but their intense feelings and continued contribution to fan discourse stem from pleasurable engagement with the diegetic past” (Gray, 2007: 294). Despite the fandom holding its position on a metaphorical pedestal that stands higher than the producers of film and TV, Jonathon Gray believes that it is the obligation of the studios to create content and that an ongoing struggle will occur where producers will look to silence the fandom and continue to cultivate a product for fan-consumers (Gray, 2007: 298). 

 

Adorno (2002) and Raymond Williams (1974) suggest that within media, companies are so significant within their industry that they do not have to ‘pretend’ to be an art form and their aims are primarily to make capital, not to appease the fandom. They go on to state that companies aim to treat their fans as consumers, instead of fandom activists or fan producers, and that they attempt to dilute the expectations of fans. They do this so they can create a fan base that is filled predominantly with consumer fans that will continue to watch and participate as long as the product is ‘watchable’, whilst fandom activists demand a certain quality, which usually entails a meta-narrative that consumers find jarring to their ontological experience. Adorno (1972: 125) states that the studios role is to elongate the life of a franchise by making illusionary promises that ‘things will happen’ and that fans will ‘be appeased’. Fans will believe this and hold onto their nostalgic hope that they speak the truth. The studios are not obligated to keep their promises as long as the franchise continues to gain capital and a consumer based audience, as the fandom activists will continue to be the minority and their moral stake in their beloved franchise will become worthless as the consumer numbers grow.

 

Jenkins believes that with the older generations fearing the effect of media culture and online activity, that young people participate in, adults cannot help but fear for their children and how media culture will influence their upbringing. As a result, online communities and participatory culture will continue to be viewed as a ‘taboo’ and as ‘underground’, which only contributes to their desire for autonomy (Jenkins, 2006: 196-197). Dick Hebdige, in The Cultural Studies Reader, argues that youth culture look to define themselves away from their ancestors in an attempt to transit from childhood to maturity, this is the way in which young people find their status and polarization (During, 2000: 442). In trans media culture, young people found a society that their ancestors would struggle to endorse or become a part of, giving them the culture they desired to distance them from their elder’s social status. Phil Cohen, a theorist in youth culture and autonomy, argues that there is a “compromise solution between two contradictory needs: the need to […] express autonomy and the difference from parents and the need to maintain the parental identifications” (cited in During, 2000: 444). This contradiction within this youth desire for autonomy can be found in Star Wars appreciation. Young fans follow their parent’s adoration for the franchise but then dissent by finding more favour in the prequel trilogy, for which the older fans tend to have a critical view of.

 

In concluding this chapter, there is a palpable division within Star Wars fandom, which is predominantly due to a difference in taste, as well as the OT being a nostalgic heirloom that fans have emotionally invested into for almost four decades. This difference is arguably down to Lucasfilm showing a lack of respect for the fandom and their own product, as they diluted the image of Star Wars to create a mass consumer audience for the PT and later generations of fans. However, it is not only the industry that causes the division but also the youth desire for autonomy, a natural and anthropological change in children as they grow up. The changes that were made to Star Wars caused an ontological disturbance to the original fandom, but were essentially a marketing move by studio officials to gain more capital by expanding their mass audience with fan-consumers.

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Chapter Two

The Fandom Menace

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“The one part of his creation which Lucas has been unable to fully control is how his films have been used since their release, inspiring […] thousands of fans to create their own extensions to his […] designs” (Elovaara 2013: 29).

 

There is a common misconception of participatory culture with many theorists critically analysing fan-producers and labeling them with negative stereotypes. Joli Jenson, a media scholar, states that fans can be divided into two stereotypes. The first is the ‘obsessed loner’ and the second being the ‘frenzied or hysterical member of a crowd’. He elaborates, contesting that fans suffer from psychological inadequacy and are prone to media influence and peer-pressure. He states that they seek status within their fandom communities so that they may compensate for their own inadequate lives and position themselves within the franchise community, as opposed to the fan community (cited in Longhurst, 1998: 123). In extreme cases, the lead actors of films have verbally attacked their own fandom. Star Trek star, William Shatner who played James T. Kirk in the original series, wrote and directed a documentary on fans of Star Trek. The documentary portrays them in a negative light and the tone is summed up in the title given, Get a Life (Shatner, 2012). This chapter presents evidence that the views of Joli Jenson and academics that share his opinion are blind to the essence of participatory culture and positive outcomes that fans attain from participating. This chapter explores such critical views before refuting the misconceptions and highlighting the positive skill base that fan-producers have and the creative outputs of their work. Leading scholars such as Henry Jenkins, Matt Hills, Jonathon Gray and their theories are the foundations of the defence this paper makes in disproving theories, that can be perceived to be narrow-minded and elitist.

 

Where there is a fandom community of appreciation, there is a participatory culture. This community is made up of two types of fans; the first is fan-consumers, who look to define themselves and create an identity based on their collection of merchandise, relating to their favoured franchise (Hills, 2002). These fans have a constant desire for new material, which they ‘consume’ before moving on to the next Star Wars memorabilia. The second type of fandom adherent is the fan producer, these fans are skilled creatives who write fan-fiction, create art, films and in some cases even design low-end games that all relate to their fandom community (Hills, 2002). One example of fan-film is Ryan vs. Dorkman (Wieber, 2006), a popular short film in Star Wars fandom that stars two fans acting out an epic light-sabre battle with the special effects created by fans. Star Wars fan production had started soon after the release of ANH (1977) as fans, young and old, drew pictures, wrote their own stories, made costumes and re-enacted scenes in their gardens and filmed them. This kind of fan activism is a large part of participatory culture.

 

“A participatory culture is a culture with relatively low barriers to artistic expression and civic engagement, strong support for creating and sharing creation, and some type of informal mentorship whereby experienced participants pass along knowledge to novices” (Jenkins, 2009: xi).

 

Without the computer being a common household luxury in this time, the works of fan-producers within participatory were confined to ‘fanzines’, an unofficial magazine made by fans, for fans. In these unlicensed magazines, were fan-written stories that followed the same storylines as the films, that are also known as ‘canon’. It also featured ‘non-canon’ stories, which were also known as ‘Alternate Universe’ or ‘AU’ stories. Apart from community-based clubs, where fans would meet and share their appreciation, fanzines were the best form of sharing fandom made material. Henry Jenkins informs readers that these fanzines were largely non-profit and the price of the ‘fanzine’ would only amount to the cost of reproduction (Jenkins, 2006: 143). For the editors of fanzines, they looked to participate in the culture as much as the fan-producers. They built the foundations of participatory culture, before the age of home computers.

 

Within the culture of reinventing cultural texts, Garnham states that whilst fan producers reinvent text for consumption within their own community, it is an emotional investment on their part. It is within this media community and participatory culture that fans are able to claim an ownership of their favoured films, after years of emotional investment and the belief that they produced Star Wars culture (Elovaara: 2013: 16). Nicholas Garnham, a leading theorist in cultural studies, fortifies Elovaara’s statement by arguing that the art of reinvention of cultural text is not only an act of rebellion, but also a presentation of power that they hold within their practice (During, 2000: 496). In an e-mail interview with Star Wars writer, Abel G. Peña, Abel is questioned as to whether he believes that fans claim a moral ownership over Star Wars after their emotional investment into the franchise.  Abel stated that he believes “many people do that already […] I wrote Star Wars fan fiction, and Lucasfilm never ‘came after me’ or anything like that […] I was essentially doing just that and quite freely” (see Appendix). With Peña now a key figure in Star Wars fandom and an accomplished writer, it can be argued that the once ‘fan-producers’ who participated within fandom culture can use the skills they had developed into their career paths. Henry Jenkins states that the skills that fan-producers have and acquire whilst participating in this culture is sorely under valued and they are wrongfully looked at as ‘nerds’ (Jenkins, 2006). Jenkins lists the types of skills these fans learn within participatory culture, which range from ‘networking’ and ‘trans media navigation’ to more general life skills such as ‘multitasking’, ‘negotiation’ and ‘distributing cognition’ (Jenkins, 2009: xiv). These skills can be essential in the ‘real world’ and can be essential in some workplaces. Jenkins uses biographical stories of fans who once participated within the creative culture who went on to become activists, educators, writers, entrepreneurs and media makers, in part due to the skills they learnt as fan-producers (Jenkins, 2009: 1-2). Garnham theorizes upon the change of high culture and its divide, stating that with the historical changes within institutional forms, cultural practices are divided into two contrasting paths. The first of these arises from a culture, which stresses technology and organizational forms of productions, and then are those who emphasize collaborative social relations (During, 2000: 494). These two high cultures differ in specific features and outputs; yet participatory culture takes aspects of both technological forms of production, which arguably require social relations and skills, despite being online (Jenkins, 2009).

 

It was not until the early 1980s that Lucasfilm began to crack down on Star Wars fan-production and surveillance took place on fanzines, to ensure that the values that Star Wars encouraged were not being tarnished (Brooker, 2002: 165). This had indeed been the case, as ‘Slash’ homoerotic fan novels had emerged within Star Wars fandom, as it had done in Star Trek fandom, after a lack of material being released from licensed authors. It is rumored that George Lucas read as many fanzines as he could, but when he came across a disturbing story in which Darth Vader raped Han Solo, he was revolted and took action to ensure no more stories such as these were published again (Brooker, 2002: 165). To reinforce the halt of adulterated fan-fiction, the director of the Star Wars fan club, Maureen Garrett, produced an open letter to fanzine editors and fan-fiction writers on behalf of the Star Wars ‘community’.

 

“Lucasfilm LTD does own all the rights to the Star Wars character and we are going to insist upon no pornography. This may mean no fanzines if that measure is what is necessary to stop the few from darkening the reputation our company is so proud of […] since all of the Star Wars saga is PG rated, any story those publishers (of fanzines) do print should also be PG. Lucasfilm does not produce any X-Rated Star Wars episodes, so why should we be placed in a light where people think we do? […] You don’t own these characters and can’t publish anything them about them without our permission” – An open letter from Maureen Garrett, director of the Star Wars fan club (Jenkins, 1991: 177).

 

This moment in Star Wars’ participatory culture history showed fans that George Lucas was ever watchful and aware of the fan activity. He proved that if the fan community behaved then he would turn a blind eye to the breaking of copyright laws, but if fans crossed the boundaries of his moral code and tarnish both his and Star Wars’ values then he would crush fan-production (Brooker, 2002: 167). Following the release of ROTJ (Marquand, 1983), there was a steady rise in authorised books being released by Lucasfilm to try and dissuade the temptation of fans writing ‘Slash’ and other stories (‘Chyren’ cited in Brooker, 2002: 130). Henry Jenkins argues that despite the form of fan-written novels including content that may appeal to a limited audience and perhaps disgust the majority, it is still a creative form of reworking original text and a legitimate form of writing within participatory culture (Jenkins, 2002). During, a leading fandom theorist, critically questions whether the choices that producers make in their reinvention is random and whether or not they are not only manipulating the text but also their culture, based on the subtext and cultural views they hold (During, 2000: 494). This manipulation that During speaks of arguably relates to the authors of ‘Slash’ novels and their attempt to darken the tone of Star Wars fandom. Despite the increased surveillance of unauthorised works and threats from lawyers, Star Wars fandom continued to rebel and ignore the legal threats from Lucasfilm. This is unsurprising following the announcement that there would be no more Star Wars (Kaminski, 2007: 227). Fans were left to fill a void following this announcement, which led to a rise in fan-production to counter the longing for content to consume. It was during this time that Lucasfilm began to recruit authors and create an ‘expanded universe’, which would include stories in sync with the canon of the film storyline. Such stories were The Thrawn Trilogy (Zahn, 1992-) in which the narrative follows Luke Skywalker, Han Solo, Princess Leia and their children following the film, ROTJ (1983). These licensed novels allowed fan-consumers to continue their expression of fandom. For fan-producers however, their joy and satisfaction within the Star Wars fandom community, was through producing creative content, not consuming. Jenkins argues that the release of licensed novels was seen as the way to dissuade fans from writing, but argues that “consumption becomes production; reading becomes writing; spectator culture becomes participatory culture” (Jenkins, 2006: 60), meaning that releasing authorised novels was only inspiring fans to write their own. This means that attempting to put a stop to participatory culture is a futile task, because what must seem to be stemming the problem, is in fact acting as a stimulus.

 

It appeared the desire that fans had for more content would be fulfilled when George Lucas announced the development in place for a prequel Star Wars trilogy (Kaminski, 2007: 299-300). The expectation of quality from the PT however, was not met according to the Star Wars fandom and fans were left ruing both the films and George Lucas (Elovaara, 2013: 17). With the backlash from Star Wars fans after the release of the prequel trilogy, fans of the OT were left to create a community with creative outputs they considered ontological with what they appreciated about the OT. This was achieved within a participatory culture with the creative outputs taking the form of fan-fiction, artwork and games. Fan-made material varied from ‘canon’ to ‘alternate reality’, the later being where fan-writers would distort and manipulate the narrative arc within the authorised works from Lucasfilm. Thereafter stories were created within alternate ‘realities’, e.g. Darth Vader never killed Darth Sidious and continued to rule as an evil Sith lord. In some cases, fans even re-wrote the prequel trilogy stories that they deemed to have given more attention to the development of characters, the narrative arc and dialogue, which met fan’s ontological expectations. Henry Jenkins states that it is often the case that fans write fan-fiction out of love of the franchise and to protect the films from being corrupted by those who created the original material, in this case George Lucas and Lucasfilm (Jenkins, 2006: 41). With the insurgence of computers and Internet access in domestic homes, fanzines became a thing of the past and ‘fanfic’ authors could ‘hide’ online within underground communities that would share their fan-produced creations. As Henry Jenkins has stated, there is a large skill base and desire amongst the participatory culture (Jenkins, 2009), so it is no surprise that there are fans who have researched the copyright laws concerning fan fiction. It was A.T. Lee who contributed the most sacred document to participatory culture that is not fan fiction, but an essay called ‘Copyright 101: A Brief Introduction to Copyright for Fan Fiction Authors’. Within this document, the loopholes are shared with readers, so that fans may continue to write within the loose boundaries of the law (Elovaara: 29). Despite writers not having the acclaimed reputation or professional writing experience, Gray states that the reading within participatory culture is not about fans finding well-written stories. Instead they are committed to finding ways in which other fans have ‘broken the rules’ and have tried something new and original with the universe that was generated by the original story creators (Gray, 2007: 39). Gray continues to argue that fans that participate and produce are more likely to read a badly written piece of ‘fanfic’ than a perfectly written licensed novel. Henry Jenkins backs Gray’s argument when he states that fandom participants are like ‘cultural scavengers' and look for content that many would find worthless and treat them as relics. He continues, fans act like unruly children refusing to play by the rules and the act of finding ‘fanfic’ is a kind of ‘playing’ within their community (Jenkins, 2006: 39). Jenkins also believes that the mass participation within these fan producer communities, allows for learning from each other, as fans give feedback and criticize constructively as inexperienced fans undergo a kind of fan-apprenticeship (Jenkins, 2009).

 

Whilst the future of participatory culture is purely speculative, it can be argued that whilst there is an appreciation for a film or TV series and a form of consumption, there will always be participatory culture. This refers back to Jenkins’ theory “consumption becomes production; reading becomes writing; spectator culture becomes participatory culture” (Jenkins, 2006: 60). It could be that the harsh laws regarding copyright could also become relaxed, as those who participate eventually go on to become the very writers of text that fans poach from. This creates a kind of recycling circle of material, but with an understanding from authors of what their licensed works are doing for participatory culture and also helps give young ambitious authors a platform. Also, with institutes such as the Organisation for Transformartive Works, who fight on behalf of fan fiction authors and try to give strength to the ‘fair use’ defence, it is possible that participatory culture will be viewed less critically and seen more as an art form rather than plagiarism or theft (Meier, n.d.).

 

Concluding this chapter, the evidence is clear, that despite there being a critical view of fan-producers, as they are wrongly labelled stereotypically as ‘nerds’ who lack social skills, there is a skill base available and being established within participatory culture. These skills within fandom activist communities can lead adherents to becoming technologists, entrepreneurs or writers, all of which require a form of social collaboration. As participatory culture grows and the ‘alumni’ go on to become writers and media makers, it could arguably change the way in which copyright laws are enforced and the strength of defence when claiming ‘fair use’.